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THE VOICES OF MEN: THE SHAPING OF MASCULINITIES IN THREE SUBCULTURAL
CONTEXTS
by
Thomas F. Matta
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(Sociology)
May 1996
Copyright 1996 Thomas F. Matta
UMI Number: 9636358
Copyright 1996 by Matta, Thomas Francis A11 rights reserved.
UMI Microform 9636358 Copyright 1996, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.
This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.
UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90007
This dissertation, written by
Thomas Francis Matta
under the direction of h…is Dissertation Committee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by The Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of re quirements for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Dean o f Graduate Studies
Date …A . P . ..2.5,..1.996 ….
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
Chairperson(
ABSTRACT Much of the research in men’s studies to date has focused on the shaping of
masculinity o f white middle-class men. This study uses life cycle and social constructivist perspectives to explore the subjective experiences of men from varied subcultural contexts.
A theory that has received much attention in feminist and men’s studies circles is Chodorow’s (1978) The Reproduction o f Mothering, which reconceptualizes psychoanalytic notions of personality development to more fully include the impact of the structure of parenting on that process. Chodorow postulates that, due to the Industrial Revolution’s virtual removal of the man from the world of the family, boys’ and girls’ psychological development varies greatly in their paths to gendered beings, resulting in men defining and over-valuing their own separateness. Simply, this results in men who have relational deficits and a lesser capacity for empathy and nurturance than women have. With feminist object-relations theory in mind, this study explores the shaping of masculinities within three subcultural contexts.
A total of thirty in-depth personal narrative interviews were conducted with men from three subcultural contexts. Class was held relatively constant as the men interviewed were from urban and rural working-class backgrounds. The interviewees included men who were members of Amish communities, as well as men from the African-American working-class in Pittsburgh and white working-class men from Erie County, Pennsylvania. In listening to men’s subjective experiences from varied life circumstances and subcultures, embedded in a particular sociohistorical context, the plurality of masculinities was informed and expanded.
Through the interviews with the men from these three subcultures, feminist object-relations theory was further informed and extended. The interviews suggest that gender-making, definition and maintenance is a much more fluid and dynamic process than previously postulated in the feminist object-relations literature. The psychoanalytic concept of ego boundaries was reconceptualized utilizing a systemic framework and redefined as a process of expansion and contraction, with contraction socially constructed as masculine.
ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
DEDICATION………………………………………………………………………………………………….. vii BIOGRAPHICAL CONSIDERATIONS…………………………………………………………… ix ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ……………………………………………………………………………… xiv
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………. 1 Expanding to a Plurality of M asculinities………………………………………………… 2 Chodorow’s Reproduction of Mothering and the Relationally Deficient
M ale ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 4
CHAPTER 2: METHOD AND E N T R E E ………………………………………………………. 13 Securing Interview R espondents…………………………………………………………… 13 Interview P ro cess………………………………………………………………………………….. 18 Data Analysis and Interpretation…………………………………………………………… 19 Methodology—A Rationale for the In-Depth In terv iew …………………………. 20 Limitations of the Study ………………………………………………………………………. 23 Developmental Salience………………………………………………………………………… 25
CHAPTER 3: AMISH SUBCULTURE …………………………………………………………. 31 The History of Amish Families …………………………………………………………… 33 Education, Employment and In c o m e …………………………………………………….. 35 Fertility and Births Out-of-Wedlock …………………………………………………….. 36 Rites of Passage: Baptism, Marriage and Parenthood …………………………. 37 Amish Men: “Men of F a ith ” ……………………………………………………………….. 40 Masculinity as a Developmental Process and Gender S c h e m a ……………… 43
Time Orientation ………………………………………………………………………. 45 Ideological Dimension—”The Basic Pulpit of Life” ………………….. 47
Farming …………………………………………………………………………. 50 Education ………………………………………………………………………. 51 Publications……………………………………………………………………. 53
Social/Relational Dimension………………………………………………………. 58 Affective Processes…………………………………………………………. 58 A Language of Nurturance……………………………………………… 60 Acknowledging Dependency Needs Through Spatial
Metaphors …………………………………………………………. 61 Relationships as a Male Responsibility…………………………… 64 Humility, Male Vulnerability, and Confession………………… 66 H arm ony…………………………………………………………………………. 69 Layering Value Lessons Into One’s Being …………………….. 70 Restraint as Part of the Amish Masculine Definition-
Renouncing the Sword 74
Community Mentoring ………………………………………………….. 77 “Stand-Bys”……………………………………………………………………. 79
Elder M en to r………………………………………………………. 80 Elder/Peer Mentor ……………………………………………… 82 Peer/Elder Mentor ……………………………………………… 83 Peer M entor…………………………………………………………. 84
Environmental D im ension …………………………………………………………. 85 Skill Building and D e-Skilling………………………………………. 85
Psychological D im ension…………………………………………………………… 90 Ego Boundaries ……………………………………………………………… 90 Family Identification………………………………………………………. 91
Patriarchy and the A m ish………………………………………………………………………. 95 Summary ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 100
CHAPTER 4: BLACK WORKING-CLASS SUBCULTURE…………………………… 103 The History of Black Families and the Pathology/Resiliency Debate . . 104 Black Families in a Broader C ontex t………………………………………………….. 109 Education, Employment, and Incom e………………………………………………….. 110 Fertility and Out-of-Wedlock Births ………………………………………………….. I l l M arriage………………………………………………………………………………………………… 112 The Urbanization of Black Families ………………………………………………….. 118 The Strengths in Black Fam ilies…………………………………………………………. 119 Black Working-Class Men and Families of the Greater Pittsburgh Area 123 Black Working-Class Men: “Men of H o n o r” …………………………………….. 128
Masculinity as a Developmental Process ………………………………… 136 Time Orientation—”Here Today, Gone Today” ………………………. 139 Ideology—”Endure Things A Little Farther” ……………………………. 141
The Black Church ………………………………………………………. 141 S torytelling ………………………………………………………………….. 144
Racism and Demoralization of the Black Working-Class Male . 146 P overty …………………………………………………………………………. 149
Doing Something Vital—The Black Working-Class Work Ethic . 150 Danger on the Job ………………………………………………………. 153
Masculine R o le s ………………………………………………………………………. 154 Men as Co-Providers . . . . …………………………………………… 155 Men as C o-Protectors………………………………………………….. 157 Men as Stem, Nurturant Authorities ……………………………. 159 Power Differentials …………………………………………………….. 162
Relational Issues ……………………………………………………………………. 163 Affective Processes………………………………………………………. 163 A Language of Respect—”It’s Just Not Recognized” . . . . 163 The Impact of Deindustrialization on Intergenerational
M entoring…………………………………………………………. 166 Sustaining Relationships ……………………………………………… 170
iv
W om en……………………………………………………………… 170 Isolation and Alienation…………………………………….. 172 Friendships ………………………………………………………. 175
Hustling ………………………………………………………………………. 176 M ilestones……………………………………………………………………………….. 177
Summary …………………………………………………………………………………………… 178
CHAPTER 5: WHITE WORKING-CLASS SUBCULTURE………………………. 183 European Migration to Pennsylvania………………………………………………….. 185
Scotch-Irish Em igration…………………………………………………………… 186 German Emigration ……………………………………………………………….. 188 Irish Em igration………………………………………………………………………. 191 Polish Em igration……………………………………………………………………. 192 Italian Emigration……………………………………………………………………. 194
The Conservative Ethos of Erie C oun ty ……………………………………………… 198 Labor History ……………………………………………………………………………………. 199 Indentured Servants and Redemptioners……………………………………………… 199 Further Exploitation of Emigrant L a b o r ……………………………………………… 201 Exploitation of a Worker’s Wages ……………………………………………………. 203 Protest M asculinity…………………………………………………………………………….. 204 The Development of Industry and a Working-Class in Erie County . . . 205 Present-Day White Identity as a Function of Class …………………………… 207 Embedding Family Life in the History of Capitalism, Class, and Status 208 Classes as Status G ro u p s ……………………………………………………………………. 210 White Working-Class Men: “Men at W ork”………………………………………. 212
Masculinity as a Developmental Process and Gender Schema . . 216 Time Orientation ……………………………………………………………………. 218 Ideology—”Work is the Greatest Thing Man H as!” ………………….. 219
Asceticism……………………………………………………………………. 222 Independence ……………………………………………………………….. 224
Relational Issues………………………………………………………………………. 225 Affective Processes………………………………………………………. 225 A Language of Distance ……………………………………………… 228 Isolation and Loneliness ……………………………………………… 229 Patriarchy and Power ………………………………………………….. 230
Mentors ………………………………………………………………………………….. 232 Extended Family Mentors …………………………………………… 232 Community M en to rs……………………………………………………. 234
Work-Related Is su e s ……………………………………………………………….. 237 White Working-Class Careers in a Rural Setting ………… 237 De-Skilling of Youth and Devaluation of Manual Labor . 238
A Creative Response to the White Working-Class Dilemma . . . 239 Summary …………………………………………………………………………………………… 241
v
CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION ………………………………………………………………………. 245 Major Themes in the Construction of Masculinities in the Three
Subcultures……………………………………………………………………………… 245 Chodorow R ev isited …………………………………………………………………………… 255 The Mystery of Masculinity ……………………………………………………………… 258 Internal Dimensions ………………………………………j 259
Reconceptualizing Ego Boundaries as an Expansion/Contraction Phenomenon ………………………………………………………………… 259
Ego Boundary Formation and D evelopm ent……………………………. 261 Expansion and Contraction………………………………………………………. 263 Ego Boundary F unctions………………………. 264
Social Dimensions …………………. 265 Identification P rocesses…………………………………………………………… 265 Disidentification Processes………………………………………………………. 271 Ego Boundary N orm ing…………………………………………………………… 277
Amish Ego Boundary Norming by P e e r s …………………….. 277 Black Working-Class Ego Boundary Norming by Peers . 278 White Working-Class Ego Boundary Norming by Adults 279
A Stage Model of Contracting Ego Boundaries………………………. 281 The Socialization o f Ego Boundary Contractions Into Masculine
D efin ition …………………………………………………………………….. 288 Sport as Boundary Contraction Simulations ……………………………. 291 Healthy Ego Boundary Contractions ………………………………………. 292
Different Patterns of Expansion Contraction Processes in the Three C on tex ts ………………………………………………………………………. 293
The Amish Context and Ego B oundaries………………………………… 294 The Black Working-Class Context and Ego B oundaries…………. 295 The White Working-Class Context and Ego B oundaries 298
Patriarchal Liabilities …………………………………………………………………………. 299 Alternative Masculinities Offered by the Great Wisdom Tradition of
C hristian ity ……………………………………………………………………………… 300 Implications for Future Research…………………………………………………………. 301 In Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………………………. 302
APPENDIX A: HUMAN SUBJECTS FORM FOR IRB ………………………………. 304 APPENDIX B: CONSENT FORM …………………………………………………………….. 308 APPENDIX C: PRESENTATION TO IRONWORKERS LOCAL XYZ ____ 310 APPENDIX D: INTERVIEW GUIDE…… ……………………………………………………… 311
BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………………………………………… 313
vi
DEDICATION
This study is dedicated to the two most influential people in my life. Big Jim,
my grandfather, was a great inspiration to me. My cherished memories include him
singing, telling stories, lifting the front end of an automobile, or greeting me with his
indomitable acceptance as I walked through his door. “Well, how do you do!” was
the common refrain to welcome his grandchildren or other visitors. His rather large
stature was a reassuring presence. It was nothing for my Grandpap to eat a dozen
ears o f corn or a bushel of tomatoes, so I’ve been told. Breakfast with Grandpap was
a nourishing ritual that included more than the food offered: eggs over easy, plenty
of pepper, home fries cooked in bacon grease, a bottle of ketchup, a slice of ham,
Welch’s grape juice, and toast piled as high as I’d ever seen. At times I remember
him standing over a rather large stew pot making fresh vegetable soup, singing Old
Dan Tucker, Sally Dear, or The Preacher and the Bear. Over twenty-five years
later, I ’m still Big Jim’s grandson in my hometown. The unspoken words behind his
presence were, “Leave a mark, son. Whatever you do, give it your best.”
This is for you, Grandpap!
“Full of pep, full of steam, if she were a boy she’d make the team.” This catchy
prose lies beneath my mother’s high school graduation picture in her yearbook. That
spirit, my mom’s spirit, is very much alive within me. She was an extraordinary
woman.
I was nine years old when we moved back to the Pittsburgh area, and I have
many memories about my mother and the people in her life. One such memory is a
vivid recollection of an elderly black woman who lived nearby calling me to her
side. She said, “So you’s Ruthie’s boy. Let me get a look at you. You pretty good
looking for a white boy. Tell your mom, I sure do miss her, honey. Tell her to come
see me. I ’ll put a fresh pot of coffee on. Just like ol’ times.” My mother taught me
to sing, love the Lord, and believe the best in people. I can still see her dancing to
Aretha Franklin’s Respect.
My mom had all kinds of endearing expressions. If she wanted a kiss, she’d
point at her cheek and say, “Heh, come here. Give me a sidewinder!” If she wanted
to tell you how proud she was of you and wanted to make sure it didn’t lead to
conceit, she might say, “Just remember. I knew ya when you weren’t a scrap of
nothing!” Or if she thought one of her children was being mildly disrespectful, she’d
comment, “I can still get up on a chair and hit ya.” When great distances made
contact more difficult, she’d say over the phone, “I hug ya to my heart!”
September of 1985, I got a call to fly out to California. My mom was dying.
Only four or five months earlier my mother’s aunt died, and at the wake we all sang
hymns and Negro spirituals, lots of spirituals. My mother made an off-handed
comment, “When I go, I hope the Lord sends me out singing, just like that!” Each
time I went into my mom’s hospital room, I sang to her. She was in and out of
consciousness and couldn’t respond. But when she seemed conscious, she cried.
“Heh, Mom, I miss you. I hug you to my heart!”
viii
BIOGRAPHICAL CONSIDERATIONS
There are experiences in a person’s life that can be described as defining
moments; they help to formulate, refine or reformulate a person’s worldview. These
moments may be experiences of success or tragedy; they may be positive, negative
or something in between. But these experiences or moments “leave an impression,” as
many of the men interviewed reported. One such moment in my life contextualizes
part of my rationale for exploring working-class men’s masculinities.
When I was finishing my sophomore year in high school in 1969, a celebration
was planned to commemorate the 38 years of my grandfather’s employment as a
custodian at our local high school. Along with his responsibilities as custodian, he
was also the trainer for the football team. When I was a young boy, I spent a week
nearly every summer with my grandparents. It was a marvelous adventure to roam
the halls of Scott High School, helping scrape gum off every possible hiding place.
An even bigger adventure included accompanying him to the school at 2:00 a.m. to
turn on the football field’s sprinkler system.
My favorite place was the football locker room. As I reflect on it now, it was a
place for masculinity-making. My grandfather, various coaches, teenage players and
school personnel would hang out there and talk about all facets of life; this was a
rich, ongoing discourse. Just as the pulpit is considered a sacred place for imparting
religious ideology, the locker room in this instance imparts hegemonic working-class
masculine norms.
ix
The celebration ritual was a male-only retirement dinner with almost 500 guests
in attendance. It was an evening of folklore and storytelling—many o f the stories true,
but certainly embellished—about my grandfather, Big Jim. As I reflect on it now over
twenty-five years later, what impressed me most was the capacity of a working-class
man to leave a mark in his world. The public acknowledgment of my grandfather’s
life and contribution is truly the exception.
Most of these kinds of men live their lives in obscurity. Understanding their
struggle at the subsistence level of life offers rich insights to the dominant culture. I
would like to think that each of the thirty men included in my study left a mark. And
even if it was just for a moment, they were held in high esteem, prominent and
acknowledged.
My familial roots are white working-class, embedded in the former industrial city
of Pittsburgh. This biographical context at times created dilemmas in the proper
social distance necessary for sociological inquiry and analysis. My childhood and
adolescent working-class experiences were many times brutal, fraught with male
tirades and violence. The Amish men in the study were in stark contrast to my
biography; they seemed to possess so much male tenderness and warmth. As a
result, I found myself wanting to “go native.”
An anecdote provides some insight. In my effort to gain rapport with a particular
Amish community, I felt obliged to honor a request to bring my family for a visit.
Following the bucolic visit, my nine-year-old son made an enlightening comment that
x
summarized my temptation to “go native.” He stated, “Hey, Dad. When I grow up, I
want to be an Amish boy.”
Social distance was also complicated by the similarity between the Amish and
me. As a person of faith, my similar Christian belief system provided rapport with
the Amish. But accessing certain personal struggles or disclosures concerning social
problems such as domestic violence was particularly difficult. Because o f the
numerous declines by Amish men to participate in the interviews, I found out that
certain questions (i.e., first sexual experience) were too personal and could not be
asked.
To keep the appropriate distance between the Amish and me, I had to make a
conscious effort to limit my contact to the project at hand. Therefore, beyond the
interviews themselves I only made one family visit and attended one church service
with my participants.
I spent my childhood and adolescence in Pittsburgh, and knew the steeltown
communities in the area. This helped curb the social distance and enhance my
rapport with the black working-class men in the study. Having grown up in an
integrated neighborhood provided me with a familiarity in conversation, as I co
